Monday, August 29, 2011

सांसदों को भी बुरा लगता हैं!

जब माननीय शरद यादवजी संसद में बोल रहे थे, तो उस समय मेरे साथ उन्हीं के विधानसभा क्षेत्र का एक साथी मेरे साथ था। शरद यादवजी के लिए मेरे मन में काफी आदरभाव था, लेकिन मेरे साथी ने बताया की उसे पता नहीं क्या कम किया हैं।
माननीय संसद महोदय अपने क्षेत्र के सरकारी विद्यालयों जहाँ के छात्र ठीक से पढ़ भी नहीं पाते तब आपको शर्म नहीं आती। आपके क्षेत्र में किसान भूख से मर जाते हैं, कर्ज में डूबकर आत्महत्या कर लेते फिर आपको शर्म क्यूँ नहीं आती।
आपके क्षेत्र में गरीब लोगों से भी जब सरकारी अस्पताल में फीस लिया जाता हैं फिर आप कहा सो रहे होते हैं।
क्या क्या लिख कर बताएँ यहाँ, जहाँ आपको ठेस लगनी चाहिए थी, लेकिन नहीं लगा।
दुखों से पीड़ित लोग तो भगवान् को भी कोसते हैं, न जाने क्या क्या कह जाते हैं, फिर आप तो सांसद हैं, धरती के भगवान्। यदि जनता आपको जली कटी सुना भी दिया तो उसको अपना मानहानि क्यूँ समझ रहे हैं, जनता के दर्द को समझिये, उसके लिए कुछ कीजिये। आपके तौहीन में तो जनता का खुद का तौहीन हैं।
इसलिए माननीय सांसद महोदय संसद भवन का अमूल्य समय न बर्बाद करते हुए, देश के विकास के महत्वपूर्ण विषयों पे ही विचार करें और जनता के दर्द को दूर करने का प्रयास करें, तो वहोई सम्मानीय व्यवहार होगा और समझदारी भी।
अभिनेता "ओमपुरी' के साथ मेरी सहानुभूति हैं और उनका जीवन गरीबों के लिए प्रेरणादाई।

Saturday, August 27, 2011

अन्ना साहेब की जय हो

आखिर जनता की आवाज सुन ली गयी। गांधीजी का सपना था भारत का निर्माण संसद में बैठकर नहीं लोगों के बीच में कम करके होगा। अन्ना साहेब का जीवन दर्शन गांधीजी के उसी सिद्धांत को परिलक्षित करता हैं। वर्षों पहले गांधीजी के सिद्धांत पर चलने के लिए जयप्रकाश नारायण जी राजनीति से सन्यास लिया था और गौवों में मुसहरों की बस्ती में रहते हुए ग्राम सुधर का काम करते थे। उस समय भी संसद के तानाशाही को चुनौति भी एक लोक नेता ने ही दिया था।
जो भी युवा समाज निर्माण के कार्यों में लगना चाहते हैं, उनके लिए ये घटनाएँ निश्चितरूपैन प्रेरणादायी बलदायी रहेगा।
अन्ना की जीत, भारत की जीत हैं। आम जनता की जीत हैं। सबकी जीत हैं। संसद में बैठे लोगों की भी जीत हैं। संसद में बैठे लोग जनता की सेवा को ही अपना लक्ष्य साधे। इसी में देश की तरक्की हैं और भारत के चिरंतन संस्कृति की जीवन्तता बनी रहेगी।
जश्न का माहौल है। अपने तमाम शहीदों को नमन करें और राष्ट्र के विकास में प्राणपन से लगने के लिए कृत संकल्प हो।

जयहिंद


अन्ना का मंच कोई नाट्य मंच नहीं

ऐसे आन्दोलनकारी माहौल में जब लोगों में देशभक्ति उमड़ रही हैं, इस तरह के बातों पे ध्यान खींचना ठीक न होगा। मगर अभिनेता 'ओमपुरी' के भाषण में जो शब्द प्रयोग किया वह अन्दर तक झकझोर दिया हैं ।
संसद में बैठे आधे नेता 'गवाँर' और 'अनपढ़' हैं, इसीलिए नेता लोग देश को बेच कर खा रहे हैं। 'गवाँर' व 'अनपढ़', ये दोनों शब्दों के इस तरह से प्रयोग भारत में रहने वाले ग्रामीण भाईओं व गौवों व कस्बों में रहने वाले लाखों लोग जो आर्थिक स्थिति ठीक न होने के कारन आधुनिक शिक्षा लेने में असमर्थ रहे, की तौहीन हैं। उनके प्रति इनलोगों का नजरिया बहुत बेकार हैं और शायद इन्हें देश के लोगों व संसद में बैठे लोगों के बारे में कुछ भी पता नहीं हैं।
आज देश में जितना संस्कार गॉव के लोगों में हैं (गाँधीजी ने भी अपने ज़माने में यही बात लिखा था), आज मानवीय मूल्यों के प्रति जितनी श्रद्धा मूर्खों में हैं, उतना आप शहरों में या पढ़े लिखे वर्ग में यदा कदा ही देख पाएंगे। कलमाड़ी साहब मुर्ख हैं? राजा साहब मुर्ख हैं? सभी नेताओं के बारे में नहीं पता लेकिन शीर्ष के नेताओं में कितने मुर्ख हैं?
आज के भ्रष्ट नेता व अधिकारी क्या मुर्ख हैं? भारतीय प्रोद्योगिकी संस्थान जो देश का सर्वोच्च शिक्षा संस्थान मन जाता हैं और हैं भी के कितने छात्रों का जीवन समाज के सामान्य लोगों के द्वारा अनुकरणीय हैं? कितने पढ़े लिखे छात्र खेती बरी कर सकते हैं या करना चाहते हैं, जबकि भोजन सबको चाहिए और इसलिए किसान के बिना समाज की कल्पना भी नहीं की जा सकती। आज सामान्य जनों में सत्य, ईमानदारी आदि मूल्यों के प्रति आस्था किन लोगों के कारण कम हुईं हैं ? क्या पढ़ा लिखा वर्ग अपने आप समाज की बुराइयों जैसे जाति-प्रथा, दहेज़ इत्यादि से अपने को अलग कर पाया हैं?
मुझे लगता हैं वास्तव में आज की शिक्षा-प्रणाली लोगों को शिक्षित बनाने के बजाय मुर्ख ही बना रही हैं। अतः इस प्रणाली में आमूल-चुल परिवर्तन की आवश्यकता हैं।
आज देश के सबसे बड़े नेता, हम उन्हें तीसरा गाँधी (जयप्रकाश नारायण दुसरे गाँधी मने गए थे) भी बोल सकते हैं, उनका पढाई में क्या योग्यता हैं? क्या वे गॉव से नहीं हैं?
नेताओं का चयन समाज के द्वारा होना चाहिए। उनकी शिक्षा समाज में सामाजिक कार्यों के द्वारा ही हो सकती हैं। गरीबों का दर्द व उनके मनोभाव उनके साथ एक लम्बे समय तक रहने पर ही हो सकती हैं, किसी किताब को पढ़ के नहीं। हा ये लोगो का कर्त्तव्य होना चाहिए की वे किसी भी व्यक्ति के व्यक्तित्व व उसके आम समाज के सान्निध्य को देखते हुए अपना मत दे न कि किसी पार्टी के नाम पर। राहुल गाँधी का प्रधान मंत्री बनने कि चर्चा भी इस देश में प्रजातंत्र का गला घोंटना ही हैं।
मंच का उपयोग समाज जिन प्रश्नों से जूझ रहा, संसदीय प्रणाली के किन कमियों के कारण वे समस्याएँ हैं और उन्हें किस तरह से दूर किया जाय, इसी पर विचार किया जाय। इसमें भारतीय जनता के चरित्र का ख्याल भी हों। भीड़ मेंटलिटी को कैसे श्थायित्व प्रदान किया जाय उसपे भी विचार हों। इसके लिए अन्ना-दल को देश के सुदूर प्रदेशों में कम कर रहें लोगो को मंच पे स्थान देना चाहिए, वे गरीब लोगों कि समस्याओं का वर्णन मार्मिक ढंग से कर सकेंगे और आन्दोलन को एक सुनियोजित स्वरुप देंगे। यह आन्दोलन कानून के साथ साथ लोगों को एक नया जीवन दर्शन दे इसके लिए प्रयास करना चाहिए। आम चुनाव कि तरह आम पार्टियों कि तरह अभिनेताओं का भाषण नहीं चाहिए। आज तो देशभक्ति कि ऐसी धूम मची हैं कि नेता, अभिनेता, क्रिक्केटर सभी फीके पद गया हैं, आज केवल अन्ना का त्यागपूर्ण जीवन ही लोगों को उद्वेलित कर रहा हैं। समाज में त्याग कर रहे लोगों के लिए यह निश्चित ही सम्मानीय विषय हैं।







Thursday, August 25, 2011

लोकपाल समाचार में


Lokpal logjam: PM walks extra mile, Anna Hazare unmovedHimanshi Dhawan, TNN Aug 26, 2011, 12.44AM ईस्ट
The Prime Minister first raised hopes by offering to bring the Jan Lokpal Bill, as drafted by Team Anna, for discussion in Parliament. But this was rebuffed by Anna Hazare who insisted on an assurance that the three sticking points of the bill - inclusion of lower bureaucracy in Lokpal, setting up Lokayuktas in all states, and bringing a citizens' charter for public services - be incorporated in the new bill after a debate।
The government found this assurance almost impossible to give as that would mean presuming Parliament's will।

In virtual world, Angry Anna vanquishes UPAMahafreed IraniMahafreed Irani, TNN Aug 26, 2011, 01.30AM ईस्ट
www.angryanna.कॉम
While the animated heads of Hazare, Kiran Bedi and Baba Ramdev have replaced the red, blue, yellow and black angry birds, Manmohan Singh, Suresh Kalmadi, Kapil Sibal and P Chidambaram and Digvijay Singh have replaced the villainous pigs। Just like in Angry Birds, players have to break the protective structures around the villains to kill them. Only in this desi version, it's for a greater cause-to end corruption.
"This is our way of showing support to the movement," says Himanshu Himthani, co-founder of Geek Mentors Studios

BJP slams govt for 'mishandling' Anna Hazare issueTNN Aug 26, 2011, 02.31AM ईस्ट
BJP said it was "solidly" behind Hazare and even suggested that the legislation should be passed at the earliest without getting entangled in rules and procedures।

Manish Tewari regrets 'hurting' Anna, still faces lawsuitTNN Aug 26, 2011, 01.18AM ईस्ट
the spokesman went ballistic against the Gandhian by accusing him of being "corrupt from head to toe" ahead of the protest फास्ट
Tewari had also mocked Team Anna as a collection of "armchair fascists, overground Maoists, closet anarchists funded by invisible donors"।
Congress realized the faux pas with the party forcing Tewari into virtual hiding।

Lokpal crisis: Congress misses Sonia Gandhi in time of crisisSubodh Ghildiyal, TNN Aug 26, 2011, 12.53AM
the party chief would have handled the situation much better।
The government miscalculated by aggressively targeting the Gandhian with accusations of corruption and then arrested him and sent to Tihar Jail, fuelling anger and escalating hostilities। While the Centre has blamed the court for the Tihar order, Congress MPs are now punching holes in the theory, saying that the so called magistrate was a Delhi Police ACP-rank officer who acted as quasi-judicial authority, indicating that he would not have moved without orders from the top.
I'd rather not be Anna
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Arundhati Roy

For now, whatever questions you may have about the Jan Lokpal Bill, here are the answers you're likely to get: tick the box — (a) Vande Mataram (b) Bharat Mata ki Jai (c) India is Anna, Anna is India (d) Jai Hind।
For completely different reasons, and in completely different ways, you could say that the Maoists and the Jan Lokpal Bill have one thing in common — they both seek the overthrow of the Indian State। One working from the bottom up, by means of an armed struggle, waged by a largely adivasi army, made up of the poorest of the poor. The other, from the top down, by means of a bloodless Gandhian coup, led by a freshly minted saint, and an army of largely urban, and certainly better off people. (In this one, the Government collaborates by doing everything it possibly can to overthrow itself.)
Team Anna whizzed in and out of the high security prison, carrying out his video messages, to be broadcast on national TV on all channels। (Which other person would be granted this luxury?) Meanwhile 250 employees of the Municipal Commission of Delhi, 15 trucks, and six earth movers worked around the clock to ready the slushy Ramlila grounds for the grand weekend spectacle. Now, waited upon hand and foot, watched over by chanting crowds and crane-mounted cameras, attended to by India's most expensive doctors, the third phase of Anna's fast to the death has begun. “From Kashmir to Kanyakumari, India is One,” the TV anchors tell us.
While his means may be Gandhian, Anna Hazare's demands are certainly not। Contrary to Gandhiji's ideas about the decentralisation of power, the Jan Lokpal Bill is a draconian, anti-corruption law, in which a panel of carefully chosen people will administer a giant bureaucracy, with thousands of employees, with the power to police everybody from the Prime Minister, the judiciary, members of Parliament, and all of the bureaucracy, down to the lowest government official. The Lokpal will have the powers of investigation, surveillance, and prosecution. Except for the fact that it won't have its own prisons, it will function as an independent administration, meant to counter the bloated, unaccountable, corrupt one that we already have. Two oligarchies, instead of just one.
Imagine, for example, a city of shopping malls, on whose streets hawking has been banned। A hawker pays the local beat cop and the man from the municipality a small bribe to break the law and sell her wares to those who cannot afford the prices in the malls. Is that such a terrible thing? In future will she have to pay the Lokpal representative too? Does the solution to the problems faced by ordinary people lie in addressing the structural inequality, or in creating yet another power structure that people will have to defer to?
The Fast' of course doesn't mean Irom Sharmila's fast that has lasted for more than ten years (she's being force fed now) against the AFSPA, which allows soldiers in Manipur to kill merely on suspicion। It does not mean the relay hunger fast that is going on right now by ten thousand villagers in Koodankulam protesting against the nuclear power plant. ‘The People' does not mean the Manipuris who support Irom Sharmila's fast. Nor does it mean the thousands who are facing down armed policemen and mining mafias in Jagatsinghpur, or Kalinganagar, or Niyamgiri, or Bastar, or Jaitapur. Nor do we mean the victims of the Bhopal gas leak, or the people displaced by dams in the Narmada Valley. Nor do we mean the farmers in NOIDA, or Pune or Haryana or elsewhere in the country, resisting the takeover of the land.
The People' only means the audience that has gathered to watch the spectacle of a 74-year-old man threatening to starve himself to death if his Jan Lokpal Bill is not tabled and passed by Parliament। ‘The People' are the tens of thousands who have been miraculously multiplied into millions by our TV channels, like Christ multiplied the fishes and loaves to feed the hungry. “A billion voices have spoken,” we're told. “India is Anna.”
Who is he really, this new saint, this Voice of the People? Oddly enough we've heard him say nothing about things of urgent concern। Nothing about the farmer's suicides in his neighbourhood, or about Operation Green Hunt further away. Nothing about Singur, Nandigram, Lalgarh, nothing about Posco, about farmer's agitations or the blight of SEZs. He doesn't seem to have a view about the Government's plans to deploy the Indian Army in the forests of Central India.
He does however support Raj Thackeray's Marathi Manoos xenophobia and has praised the ‘development model' of Gujarat's Chief Minister who oversaw the 2002 pogrom against Muslims। (Anna withdrew that statement after a public outcry, but presumably not his admiration.)
Mukul Sharma who has studied Anna's village community in Ralegan Siddhi, where there have been no Gram Panchayat or Co-operative society elections in the last 25 years। We know about Anna's attitude to ‘harijans': “It was Mahatma Gandhi's vision that every village should have one chamar, one sunar, one kumhar and so on. They should all do their work according to their role and occupation, and in this way, a village will be self-dependant. This is what we are practicing in Ralegan Siddhi.” Is it surprising that members of Team Anna have also been associated with Youth for Equality, the anti-reservation (pro-“merit”) movement? The campaign is being handled by people who run a clutch of generously funded NGOs whose donors include Coca-Cola and the Lehman Brothers. Kabir, run by Arvind Kejriwal and Manish Sisodia, key figures in Team Anna, has received $400,000 from the Ford Foundation in the last three years. Among contributors to the India Against Corruption campaign there are Indian companies and foundations that own aluminum plants, build ports and SEZs, and run Real Estate businesses and are closely connected to politicians who run financial empires that run into thousands of crores of rupees. Some of them are currently being investigated for corruption and other crimes. Why are they all so enthusiastic?
At a time when the State is withdrawing from its traditional duties and Corporations and NGOs are taking over government functions (water supply, electricity, transport, telecommunication, mining, health, education); at a time when the terrifying power and reach of the corporate owned media is trying to control the public imagination, one would think that these institutions — the corporations, the media, and NGOs — would be included in the jurisdiction of a Lokpal bill। Instead, the proposed bill leaves them out completely.
http://www.thehindu.com/opinion/lead/article2379704.ece?homepage=त्रुए
Anna's proposals on Jan Lokpal to be discussed in Parliament
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New Delhi Bureau

Won't die till Jan Lokpal Bill is passed, says अन्ना
MetroThe four stations -- Udyog Bhawan, Race Course, Jor Bagh on Gurgaon Line and Khan Market on Badarpur corridor were closed at 3:00 pm.
“The metro stations were closed following orders from the Delhi Police. The stations will be closed till further orders,” a DMRC spokesman said. stations near PM's home close as प्रेकौतिओन
Why Ramlila surge worries minorities and those on मर्गिंस
In Team Anna’s contemptuous indictment of Parliament, they see a tarring of representative politics and, in effect, an indictment of the vital safeguards of minorities।
Varun Gandhi’s much-hyped appearance at Ramlila today only reinforced these — in his hate-Muslim election speech in 2009, he had threatened to “cut the hand” of anyone who “raises a finger at the Hindus।”
http://www.indianexpress.com/news/why-ramlila-surge-worries-minorities-and-those-on-margins/836750/२

Wednesday, August 24, 2011

लोक पाल बिल

The former President, A।P.J. Abdul Kalam, has pitched in and called upon the youth to start a mass movement against corruption under the banner “What can I give?” (The Hindu, June 27, 2011).
fearless investigation by an independent investigative agency against delinquent ‘greats'. A good Lokpal bill has to be nothing लेस
It is in this context that this article addresses the issue of whether the Prime Minister should be brought under the ambit of an Ombudsman (Lokpal) and be subject to its scrutiny। It is important to observe that in most of the Lokpal bills, including the 2010 government draft (except the 1985 version), the Prime Minister is within the ambit of the Lokpal.
Under the Indian Constitution there is no provision to give immunity to the Prime Minister, Chief Ministers or Ministers। Under Article 361, immunity from criminal proceedings is conferred on the President and the Governor (formerly the Rajpramukh) only “during his term of office.”
During the period of the Internal Emergency (1975-77), Indira Gandhi enjoyed dictatorial powers। She detained without trial prominent Opposition leaders and was supported by a captive and rump Parliament.
The Constitution (Fortieth Amendment) Bill was moved in, and passed by, the Rajya Sabha in August 1975 and later it was to go before the Lok Sabha। The Bill was blacked out from the media and hence very few people knew about it. It never became law because it was not moved in the Lok Sabha.
The Bill sought to amend Article 361 by substituting sub-clause (2) thus: “(2) No criminal proceedings whatsoever, against or concerning a person who is or has been the President or the Prime Minister or the Governor of a State, shall lie in any court, or shall be instituted or continued in any court in respect of any act done by him, whether before he entered upon his office or during his term of office as President or Prime Minister or Governor of a State, as the case may be, and no process whatsoever including process for arrest or imprisonment shall issue from any court against such person in respect of any such act।”
In Japan, Prime Minister Kakuei Tanaka (July 1972 to December 1974) was found guilty of bribery and sentenced। In Israel, Prime Minister Ehud Olmert was indicted in corruption scandals in August 2009. In Italy, Prime Minister Silvio Berlusconi enacted, through a pliant legislature, a law by which he shielded himself from prosecution. The Italian Constitutional Court recently invalidated crucial parts of that law, which may result in his trial being revived.
The first one runs thus: “The simple answer is, if the Prime Minister is covered under ordinary law (the Prevention of Corruption Act), you don't need him covered under Lokpal.” This is a view that has been attributed to the former Chief Justice of India, J.S. Verma (Hindustan Times, June 27, 2011). Any misconduct by a Prime Minister can be investigated by the Central Bureau of Investigation: this view is that of Chief Minister Jayalalithaa (The Hindu, June 28, 2011). This objection concedes the principle that the Prime Minister is not immune from criminal liability and can be investigated, but argues and assumes that the Prevention of Corruption Act and the CBI present effective existing alternative procedures. Nothing could be farther from the truth and the ground realities.





What is the ground reality? First, the CBI, the premier anti-corruption investigative agency, is under the Department of Personnel and Training, which is controlled by the Prime Minister's Office (PMO)। Secondly, the career prospects of CBI officers and other personnel are dependent on the political executive, and all officers are subject to transfer except the Director. Thus, the investigative arm is controlled by the ‘political suspects' themselves. Thirdly, the Single Directive, a secret administrative directive that was invalidated by the Supreme Court in the Jain hawala case in 1997 (Vineet Narain v. Union of India) has been legislatively revived. Consequently, under Section 6A of the Delhi Special Police Establishment Act, the CBI is disabled from starting an inquiry or investigation against Joint Secretary or higher level bureaucrats without the Central government's prior approval. Therefore, the Prevention of Corruption Act is a non-starter against Ministers and high-level bureaucrats who may act in concert. It is imperative that the CBI's anti-corruption wing be brought under the Lokpal and not under the PMO. This alone would meet the test of an independent and fearless investigative agency as enunciated by Justice Krishna Iyer.






Secondly, it is argued that if the Prime Minister is within its ambit, the Lokpal could be used by foreign powers to destabilise the government। Today, the checks on the executive government are the higher judiciary, which has actively intervened in the 2G spectrum scam and other scams; the CAG, whose reports against the functioning of the telecommunications sector triggered investigations into scams; the Election Commission headed by the Chief Election Commissioner, which conducted elections in West Bengal in the most efficient and orderly fashion. All these authorities could be undermined by a foreign power. Why should the Lokpal alone be the target of a foreign power? Why not the intelligence and defence services? Why not leaks from Cabinet Ministers and their offices — bugged or not?






Thirdly, it is argued that bringing the Prime Minister under the Lokpal's scrutiny would mean a parallel government being put in place। This objection is disingenuous. Do the Supreme Court and the higher judiciary constitute a parallel government? Is the CAG a parallel government? Is the CEC a parallel government? Is the CBI a parallel government? The answer is clear. These constitute checks and restraints on the political executive and the administration so that public funds are not misappropriated and constitutional democracy and citizen rights are not subverted. The Lokpal will be under the Constitution and subject to judicial review, and it is imperative that the anti-corruption wing of the CBI be brought under the Lokpal. There is no question of any parallel government. The Lokpal will be only a check on the corrupt activities of the Executive. If all checks and balances are to be regarded as the marks of a parallel government and therefore abolished, it will be a recipe for dictatorship.






http://www.thehindu.com/opinion/lead/article2148073.ece

हिस्टरी एंड इन्स्पिरतिओन
The Lokpal bill was first introduced by Shanti Bhushan in 1968[5] and passed in the 4th Lok Sabha in 1969. But it did not get through in the Rajya Sabha, the upper house of the Parliament of India. Subsequent versions were re-introduced in 1971, 1977, 1985, 1989, 1996, 1998, 2001, 2005 and in 2008,[10] but none of them passed. The bill is inspired of setting up an independent commission like Independent Commission Against Corruption (Hong Kong) (ICAG).[
Renewed calls for the bill arose over resentment of the major differences between the draft 2010 Lokpal Bill prepared by the government and that prepared by the members of the associated activists movement — N. Santosh Hegde, a former justice of the Supreme Court of India; Lokayukta of Karnataka; Shanti Bhushan; Arvind Kejriwal; Prashant Bhushan, a senior lawyer in the Supreme Court; and members of the India Against Corruption movement[2]
Key features of proposed bill
Some important features of the proposed bill are:[2]
To establish a central government anti-corruption institution called Lokpal, supported by Lokayukta at the state level.
As in the case of the Supreme Court and Cabinet Secretariat, the Lokpal will be supervised by the Cabinet Secretary and the Election Commission. As a result, it will be completely independent of the government and free from ministerial influence in its investigations.
Members will be appointed by judges, Indian Administrative Service officers with a clean record, private citizens and constitutional authorities through a transparent and participatory process.
A selection committee will invite short-listed candidates for interviews, videorecordings of which will thereafter be made public.
Every month on its website, the Lokayukta will publish a list of cases dealt with, brief details of each, their outcome and any action taken or proposed. It will also publish lists of all cases received by the Lokayukta during the previous month, cases dealt with and those which are pending.
Investigations of each case must be completed in one year. Any resulting trials should be concluded in the following year, giving a total maximum process time of two years.
Losses caused to the government by a corrupt individual will be recovered at the time of conviction.
Government officework required by a citizen that is not completed within a prescribed time period will result in Lokpal imposing financial penalties on those responsible, which will then be given as compensation to the complainant.
Complaints against any officer of Lokpal will be investigated and completed within a month and, if found to be substantive, will result in the officer being dismissed within two months.
The existing anti-corruption agencies (CVC, departmental vigilance and the anti-corruption branch of the CBI) will be merged into Lokpal which will have complete power and authority to independently investigate and prosecute any officer, judge or politician.
Whistleblowers who alert the agency to potential corruption cases will also be provided with protection by it।